Chapter 4
Extracts from ‘Sexual Ethics
and Criminal Law’
The following
extracts are taken from my short book on the Sexual Offences
Bill 2003 entitled Sexual Ethics and Criminal Law.
- Sex with children The Bill’s proposals relating to sexual
activity with a child, that is a young person who has not
yet attained the age of sixteen, demonstrate the great danger
involved in drawing up legislative proposals concerning
sex without first laying down the moral principles that
are to be followed. Antony Grey wrote in his book Speaking
of Sex-
‘Children
are sexual beings. Adolescents are highly sexual beings’.
2.
That is obviously true, and should be accepted as postulating
a compelling guiding principle when remodelling the laws governing
sexual behaviour. Adolescence begins well before the age of
consent (sixteen), yet the Bill insists it should be a criminal
offence for anyone, even an age mate, to engage in any sexual
activity whatever, even though consensual, with such a ‘highly
sexual being’ as an adolescent aged under sixteen. I find
it incredible that the Government should really think this
is the right way to proceed when laying down our sex laws
for the twenty-first century. No one who had read and absorbed
chapter 12 of my book The Sex Code could seriously
put forward such a sex-negative proposition as that. Anyone
knows who remembers their own childish consensual sex play,
and sexual experimenting and exploring with age mates, that
such activities are a universal and important part of everyone’s
growing-up. The criminal law should not interfere with it.
The criminal law should have no part to play in it: nor should
the state’s social services. Yet the white paper says that
‘where a person [of any age] engages in sexual activity with
the ostensible consent of the child then one of two offences
– ‘Adult sexual activity with a child’ or ‘Sexual activity
between minors’ – can be charged. I go on to discuss these in reverse order.
3.
Sexual activity between minors This proposed criminal
offence, punishable with up to five years imprisonment, deals
inter alia with sexual activity between pubescents from eleven
to fifteen. It ‘will cover a range of behaviour including,
for example, any activity with a child that a reasonable person
would deem to be sexual or indecent in all the given circumstances.
This will cover a range of behaviour, including, for example,
inducing a child to take off their clothes in circumstances
which would reasonably be considered as sexual and outside
the bounds of normal family life.’
4.
The italicised words are a giveaway. Consensual sex play between
young siblings or friends who are age mates, say within the
age range eleven to fifteen years, is considered by the Home
Office to be outside the bounds of normal family life. Or
is it? Is the new law really going to leave vital questions
like this to be finally settled only after years of delay
and a final appeal to our highest court of justice, the House
of Lords? That would surely be a gross dereliction of duty
by Parliament - handing the final decision to non-elected
judges rather than deciding for themselves. Yet deliberate
ambiguity is often used in legislation when clarity might
arouse dissent. It should not be so used in the present
case, when so much depends on being clear.
5.
Much childish sex play between consenting age mates is within
the bounds of normal family life. That is my view, but many
would differ. I suspect that most parents, scared by current
propaganda in the media and elsewhere, would indeed differ
from that opinion. They would run away from any display
of sexuality by their supposedly innocent little children. Yet if they only knew it, a child is incomplete
without awareness of its sexuality. Usually nature does not
permit such ignorance. We should respect nature, in this as
other spheres.
6.
A typical current attitude to child sex is that shown in the
following comment by the American academic John Pesciallo-
For siblings close to the same age, incest
may merely be sexual exploration that is a part of normal
development but socially unacceptable or undesired.
However, when there is coercion or a significant age difference,
then it is considered abuse. Generally, the difference of
five or more years would constitute abuse by the older child
(even if the younger child were willing). Anytime an older
sibling manipulates a younger child into sexual behavior that
is not age appropriate or socially acceptable,
it is sexual abuse.
7.
This is confused, even contradictory, - and that is symptomatic
of the chaotic attitudes to this vexed topic. The italicised
words suggest that something that is part of normal development
can nevertheless be socially unacceptable or undesired.
Yet if conduct is part of normal development it obviously
should not be socially unacceptable or undesired. If
nevertheless it is socially unacceptable or undesired then
obviously society has got things wrong, and its mistaken attitudes
should not be reflected in legislation enacting criminal offences.
8.
The Bill shows many signs that the Government is being by
driven by unbalanced, indeed uncivilised, attitudes to human
sexuality widely held today by the British public. Yet the
Government dismisses and disregards similar inhuman attitudes
widely held on matters such as capital punishment, homosexuality,
racism, corporal punishment, immigration and asylum. Surely
it should in the same way insist on enlightened attitudes
to sex when it frames new legislation concerning that difficult
topic. It should be sex positive, but it is not.
9.
A further element is that much public agitation in the sex
field is driven by hysteria, and is therefore unreliable as
a basis for legislation. In this connection I cite as just
one example facing pages in the Daily Telegraph for
15 January 2003. On page 22 Andrew Marr wrote-
‘I can’t be the
only one completely bemused by the paedophilia mania sweeping
the country. It cannot surely be that paedophilia is a new
thing. So either it has always been going on . . . or we are
in the grip of something like mass hysteria. Talking to older
people . . . you hear of a Britain in which child sex abuse
– what they’d call ‘mucking about’ – went on all the time
. . . but was simply repressed, ignored and certainly not
publicly discussed . . . But are there so many serious paedophiles
about? I simply do not believe it.’
10.
On the facing page 23 the editorial said-
‘As Andrew Marr
writes opposite, paedophilia mania is sweeping the land .
. .This mania prompted the ludicrous recent decision by Edinburgh
City Council to ban parents from making video recordings of
their children’s Nativity plays without the consent of the
parents of the whole cast. It inspired the disgraceful campaign
by Rebekah Wade . . . to ‘name and shame’ convicted paedophiles
in the pages of the News of the World – a campaign
that moved some of her more moronic readers to attack the
home of a paediatrician in Newport. It has led some councils
to insist that any parent who offers to help out at a school
fete must first be vetted by the police.’
11.
These Government proposals raise the question what lawful
sexual outlets is it supposed that pubescents in the age range
eleven to fifteen should have? If these borderline creatures
are, as must be admitted, ‘highly sexual beings’, they obviously require suitable opportunities
to fulfil their sexuality. This could be called one of their human
rights, if that topic had been fully developed in the region
of sexuality. While many girls may, if unawakened sexually,
happily continue in an ‘asexual’ condition until they reach
the age of consent or later, this does not apply to most boys.
The Bill’s proposals limit the lawful sexual activity of pubescent
boys to solitary masturbation, which surely cannot be right.
I believe it is horrifyingly wrong.
12.
Here the Government’s defence might partly lie in para. 37
of the white paper-
. . . in some
circumstances, particularly where the partners are close in
age and apparently agree to take part in sexual activity,
it may be more appropriate to pursue the matter through child
protection rather than criminal justice processes, out of
concern for the welfare of both the children involved. In
other cases, even when both parties are children, one may
already have a history of abusive sexual behaviour towards
other children, which justifies the involvement of the criminal
law or his or her behaviour may have been sufficiently exploitative
or abusive to merit prosecution. The Crown Prosecution Service
already has discretion about whether prosecution is in the
public interest . . .
13.
This apparently applies to all forms of sexual activity between
children even where consensual and free from objectionable
features such as the infliction of bodily harm (comparatively
very rare). So it covers what is described above as ‘sexual
exploration that is a part of normal development’. It is surely quite wrong that the police
and Crown Prosecution Service should be involved at all in
such cases. The fact that the CPS might eventually decide
that it is not in the public interest to proceed with a prosecution
even though technically a crime has been committed is no answer.
The existence of this residual CPS discretion should never
be used as an excuse for labelling conduct as criminal when
truly it is not. The right of any citizen to bring a private
prosecution also has to be borne in mind here. This right
might be exercised for example by a spiteful neighbour.
14.
Nor in such cases is it ‘appropriate
to pursue the matter through child protection . . . processes’.
This still brands the children’s conduct as criminal, calling
for intervention by state services. Such intervention can
do immense harm to the children, and is uncalled for. It needs
to be recognised and stated that such childish consensual
conduct is not in any way wrong, immoral or criminal. On the
contrary it is to be accepted and welcomed. Otherwise the child is inflicted with sex-guilt,
a pernicious and very common feature of the way we treat sexuality. This brings me back once again to the question
of the undeclared and apparently non-existent moral basis
of the Government’s proposals.
15.
A final point on sexual activity between age mates who are
both under sixteen concerns gay boys. When the Bill for the
Sexual Offences (Amendment) Act 2000, which lowered the gay
age of consent to sixteen, was going through the House of
Commons Mr Simon Hughes MP for the Liberal Democrats made
much play with the fact that clause 2 (later section 2 of
the 2000 Act) removed the stigma of criminality, as he put
it, from under-16s who became involved in sexual activity
with a male homosexual over that age. The present Bill proposes to repeal section
2 without replacing it. So that safeguard for gay boys will
go. It is puzzling anyway that it did not apply to protect
a boy under sixteen who engaged in consensual sexual activity
with another under-age boy, which as we all know very commonly
happens.