2.5.3. FB's writings on the Sexual
Offences Act 2003
2.5.3.1.2. SEXUAL ETHICS AND CRIMINAL
LAW
Sex, a force in all our lives,
demands respect – and sacrifice.
- Francis Bennion
Introductory
1. The Sex Hate Bill?
This report sets out some objections to proposals contained in
Part I (Sexual Offences) of the Sexual Offences Bill introduced
by the Government into the House of Lords on 28 January 2003.
In the main, the Bill extends only to England and Wales. The objections
presented here are not exhaustive; many more could have been put
forward. However it has been necessary to put together this report
in haste, so that it might be available to peers considering the
Bill on second reading. It therefore had to be sent for printing
only three days after the Bill was introduced.
2. The following remarks are
based on the fundamental proposition laid down in my book THE
SEX CODE: MORALS FOR MODERNS1
that sex positivism or the happy acceptance of human sexuality,
seeking its fulfilment, is largely absent from our society - even
though it is essential for human happiness. Directly or indirectly,
that absence of sex positivism is the root cause of most of the
sex crimes that trouble us. Do the Government acknowledge this,
and investigate that cause with a view to its removal? The answer
is no. Instead they offer us this deeply flawed Bill.
3. My basic objection to the
Bill is that much of it is fuelled by public hysteria2
and founded on what might be termed a Victorian spinster’s
view of sex, namely that it is frightening, horrendous, and fit
only for life with one’s head beneath the bedclothes desperately
hoping no wicked man will approach. I do not make that complaint
lightly. The essential fuel of the deficiencies put forward in
this report is what is called sex negativism – or even sex
hate. One might plausibly call this pathetic effort the Sex Hate
Bill.
4. The nature of sexuality
Let us pause for a moment and ask an essential question.
What really does our sexuality amount to? It is the force that
impels the human race to reproduce itself, for otherwise it would
die out. It achieves this by making orgasms pleasurable, though
pleasure is not truly the criterion. What I am concerned with,
when it comes to sex, is the solemn fact that this is the way
the human race goes on into the future. For that reason alone,
sex demands respect. What we are discussing here goes far beyond
mere fleshly pleasure, or what the Bill sneeringly calls sexual
gratification3.
5. Unhappily failure to grasp
the truth of that has led some, notably in this Bill, to treat
sex with a twisted, even grotesque, significance. They think that
children, if merely touched by sex, are somehow thereby irredeemably
scarred and marred. Yet the truth is that children are far more
robust than that. They need to be, for they like all of us are
sexual creatures - and sex needs toughness.
6. We should not altogether
blame the Home Office, sponsors of the Bill, for its crass approach.
It is the way the vast majority of the British people see sex,
at least when they have reached middle age. Yet what truly mars
many children who encounter sex even in a non-violent, consenting,
way is the horrified attitudes to this occurrence of the adults
around them. The grown-ups raise their hands and shriek, so the
poor innocent terrified children are damaged – often for
life. It is not sexual acts that mar them, but the stupid unknowing
hysterical attitudes of the adults who rule their lives. So the
cycle continues . . .
7. If left alone, infants
by themselves harmlessly arrive at the truth about sex. They perceive
it as a part of life, like hunger, thirst, wonder, and enquiry.
A developing, growing part, which they master bit by bit. Not
in any way obnoxious or to be shunned, but just an aspect of the
way things are. No primitive community is troubled by sex. Why
should we who think ourselves have to trail so far behind them?
8. Unhappily in our community
adults come along, very early in life, to knock the natural sensible
attitudes out of the heads of the poor children – with the
intention of making them suffer. Sex hate is the cause of their
suffering, and sex hate is what we are up against when it comes
to this Bill.
9. It is not usual to combine
treatment of a Government Bill with a literary legacy such as
the writings of Shakespeare. This is regrettable. Our public affairs
need all the help they can get, and much help is to be got from
our literary heritage. But still there is the great divide of
custom. Leaping this, I venture to quote Shakespeare in the present
context of the need to fight those who would wrong sex-
10. Of course I acknowledge
the deviant urges that drive sex offenders, while deeply regretting
the absence of any Government initiative to investigate their
causes, and possible cures. It would be useful to probe what impels
sex offenders to do what lamentably they do. Governments often
bypass the obviously useful, and have done so in this case, drearily
repeating long-accustomed patterns.
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