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Criminal Law
- Article on Blasphemy
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Ross McWhirter
Foundation’s Dicey Conference on Religion
and the Rule of Law
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St Edmund
Hall Oxford,
13 Mar 1990
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Blasphemy at
common law
1990.006 'The
Treatment of Blasphemy in English Law'
The nature of
English law
So what was the treatment
of blasphemy in English law? This question forces
us to ask what in this context we mean by English
law. The answer is different for different periods.
In the Anglo Saxon period there was little distinction
between church law and state law. The bishop sat
on, and often presided over, the shire court along
with the elders. His archdeacon sat on the hundred
court. The law administered by these courts was
both clerical and secular.
Then came the Norman
Conquest. This introduced the feudal system to England.
Manorial courts were set up. Towns became important,
and were equipped with their own borough courts.
William the Conqueror sent round the country his
own travelling judges, known as justices in eyre,
to try grave crimes and important civil causes.
He decreed that church courts must be separated
from royal and other state courts. Separation of
the church court from the secular court had been
emphasized when in about 1072 the Conqueror decreed
that no bishop or archdeacon should hold pleas in
the hundred court, but in a place named by the bishop.
In 1164 the Constitutions of Clarendon had further
defined the boundary between church and secular
courts. The main provisions were that clergy charged
with crimes should be tried in the king's courts,
that bishops, abbots and other prelates should be
subject to feudal burdens, that the king's courts
should try all disputes as to advowsons and presentations
to church livings, that clerics should obey the
king's summons, that land disputes between clerics
and laymen should be tried by the king's judges,
and that suits for debt should be tried by those
judges even though a trust or other religious obligation
was involved. In this way the king asserted his
overall power in the realm. If a church court attempted
to try a case where it lacked jurisdiction, the
king's writ of prohibition was available to prevent
it.
The medieval courts
were different from each other, and the law administered
in them was different. Local courts of the shire
and the hundred administered local customary law.
The baronial and manorial courts administered feudal
law. The church courts administered civil law (derived
from the old Roman law) and canon law (the developing
law of the Church). The punishment of blasphemy,
and other manifestations of heresy, fell within
canon law.
Church law could be
divided into the special law which regulated the
church itself, including its bishops, priests and
other orders of varying ranks, and the general law
which regulated the whole of the church's flock.
Blasphemy fell into the second category, which I
shall call the general law of the Church.
The key to understanding
these various jurisdictions is that in the Middle
Ages each of the magnates (that is earls, barons
and knights, bishops and abbots) possessed a power,
usually conferred by royal charter or papal decree,
to decide disputes among his retainers. A similar
power was possessed by borough and other local courts.
In Oxford the chancellor of the University possessed
such a power by the 1250s. Clerks could be tried
by the Chancellor for offences short of homicide
or theft, they being prohibited from seditious pacts
and factions, night prowling, poaching, loitering
after curfew, games which led to quarrels, or the
temptations of women of ill fame.
At this time the king’s
courts began to develop what came to be known as
the common law of England. During the thirteenth
century the English common law assumed its lasting
shape, the king became accepted as the fount of
justice, and the kings' courts began to assert the
supremacy they still have over all other courts.
The one exception was the High Court of Parliament.
Though in the Middle Ages that too was in a sense,
as it still is, one of the king's courts, it was "jealous
of the royal power, jealous
lest new writs, new forms of procedure, should
mean new laws made without its approval" (Maitland).
Its growing assertion of the power to make laws
provided yet another source of law: statute law.
So we have the situation,
in that formative period the thirteenth century,
that the king’s courts are coming to control
all other courts, including the church courts, and
Parliament by its enactments is coming to control
even the king’s courts. The enactments are
however still very fragmented, covering only a small
proportion of the law.
In considering the
treatment of blasphemy in this period we must remember
that in the Middle Ages the whole of Europe, including
the British Isles, constituted what was called Christendom.
Under the Pope, backed by the Church Councils he
called from time to time, there was an undivided union
of faith to which the Jews were the sole exception.
The general law of the Church was the same throughout
Christendom. It was administered informally by all
officers of the Church, from the Pope downwards.
Under this church law, blasphemy was regarded as
a mortal sin.
Medieval church
law: Bishop and Archbishop in Oxford
Here it may be helpful
to take a particular place as typical of the position
in the Middle Ages. Since we are in Oxford, let
us take that. Oxford at this time is a walled city.
The spot we are in now is a rough wattle and daub
dwelling near the city wall, close to the East Gate.
[If you enter St Edmund Hall by the lodge gate and
keep walking straight ahead as far as you can go
you will come to a fragment of the old city wall.]
The walled city is divided into twelve parishes,
each with its church. This spot is in the parish
of St Peter in the East. Its church is now the library
of St Edmund Hall. There was a Saxon church on the
site, though the church was first recorded in 1086,
when it was held by Robert D'Oilly. The timber church
was then replaced by a stone building, which Wood
says was 'the first church of stone that appeared
in these parts'. The present crypt, attributed to
St Grymbald, is early 12th century. The present
chancel is also 12th century. In medieval times
it was the wealthiest parish in Oxford.
Here is an example
of how church law was operated by the bishops. St
Hugh, bishop of Lincoln 1186 1200, punished by excommunication
a young Oxford wife, daughter of one of the burgesses,
who committed adultery. The story is told in the Life
of St Hugh of Lincoln. The wronged husband
appealed to the bishop, on one of his visitations
to Oxford (which was then in the Lincoln diocese).
Within a crowded church (we are not told which),
the bishop earnestly appealed to her to give her
husband the kiss of peace and return to his roof.
Her reply was to spit in her husband's face, although
he was standing near the altar. The bishop sternly
said 'As you have spurned my blessing and have desired
my curse, my curse shall fall upon you' and at once
excommunicated her. The chronicle continues
"She went home
still stubborn and during the few days vouchsafed
to her by the divine mercy to come to a better frame
of mind, her heart became more hardened and not
in the least repentant. Then being suddenly strangled
by the devil, her illicit and temporary delights
were exchanged for perpetual torments as she richly
deserved."
This is an example
of church law being administered by the bishop,
who kept a prison for the purpose. His court was
known as a Consistory court, and normally the Chancellor
of the diocese presided over it. There was a right
of appeal to the court of the Archbishop, as the
following example, connected in a way with St Edmund
Hall, shows.
St Edmund Hall takes
its name from St Edmund of Abingdon, Archbishop
of Canterbury 1234 40, who traditionally resided
and taught at a house in the western end of the
present front quadrangle when he was a regent master
of arts in the 1190s. Early in the thirteenth century
the site of the front quadrangle was owned by John
de Bermingham, Rector of Iffley, whose relatives
in 1261 2 sold part of it to Thomas of Malmesbury,
perpetual vicar of Cowley. In 1271 2 Thomas granted
his part of the site to the great Abbey of Augustinian
canons known as Osney Abbey. This was founded by
Robert D'Oilly's son, also named Robert. The earliest
surviving reference to the name Auli Sancti Edmundi
is in a rentroll of Osney Abbey for 1317 1318, but
it may be considerably older.
At the western end
of the town was the Castle built by Robert D’Oilly
senior at the behest of the Conqueror. Outside the
city wall, just beyond the Castle, was Osney Abbey.
In the year 1222 a provincial council of the Church
was held at Osney Abbey. We know this from surviving
written records, which is where most of our knowledge
of the period comes. This was a council of the province
of Canterbury (the other English province is York).
It was presided over by the Archbishop of Canterbury,
Stephen Langton. One of its duties was to hear appeals
from persons convicted of grave offences against
church law.
Among the appellants
was a young man. We do not know his name, but I
shall call him John. What offence had John committed?
He had fallen in love with a young Jewess of Oxford.
Again we do not know her name, but I shall call
her Judith. To obtain the pleasure of this young
woman's embraces, John found it necessary to obey
her wish that he desert his faith and adopt her's.
Therefore he circumcised himself, renounced the
Christian religion, and became a Jew. This constituted
the offence of apostasy, for which there was only
one punishment. The council excommunicated John.
Then they delivered him to the lay power in the
shape of the Sheriff of Oxfordshire, the dreaded
Fawkes de Breaute, whose soldiers immediately burnt
him to death, probably at a site outside consecrated
ground near Osney abbey. This illustrates how the
state came to the aid of the Church, which was not
allowed to inflict the penalty of death. Where the
Church's penalty was excommunication, and the delinquent
remained defiant, the bishop could apply to the
king's chancery for a writ of Significavit,
by which the sheriff would be ordered to imprison
the excommunicated person.
Another heretic punished
by this church council at Osney was an unbelieving
youth who refused to enter any church building or
obey his priest, but masqueraded as Jesus Christ.
He had marked his body, head and hands with signs
of crucifixion. Together with a woman who called
herself Mary Mother of Christ, and presumed to celebrate
mass, the youth was ordered to be kept in close
confinement (or possibly walled up alive).
Continued
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